Dalieh’s Civil Campaign’s Open Competition: Results

Dalieh’s Civil Campaign’s Open Competition: Results

Dalieh’s Civil Campaign’s Open Competition: Results

By : The Civil Campaign to Preserve the Dalieh of Beirut

When we started working on the ``Revisiting Dalieh`` competition about a year ago, our goal was to involve the largest number of people in shaping visions for the location of Dalieh of Raouche, as a starting point for a public debate about the common spaces in the city. We wanted to present alternative visions to the current practices along the Lebanese coast, serving as models or pilots for the design, management, and sustainability of similar spaces. We also wanted to raise public awareness about the importance of the environment, and the respect for nature and its components as they are, as a fundamental right, not to be truncated. On the other hand, we wanted to clarify, and share the future possibilities of Dalieh as a starting point for a debate with officials and the government.

Indeed, the ``Revisiting Dalieh`` competition raised several challenges: environmental, functional, and institutional. These challenges invited us to question the prevailing land management practices in Lebanon, and consider ways to safeguard our environment, and protect our common spaces, and human rights. The competition also raised a fundamental question: How can we stop these spaces from falling in the hands of private investors, and how can we ensure the sustainability of these spaces in the public domain for the benefit of all citizens?

Today, after we have received the proposals, we would like to open a lively and productive debate about Dalieh in particular, and public spaces in general.

On more than one occasion and through more than one message, we have invited all to take part in this debate, starting with the governor, the municipality of Beirut, and the Higher Council of Urban Planning. In fact, this was the Civil Campaign’s main request since its inception: to open a lively and serious debate sponsored by officials with the participation of everyone, so that everyone`s diverse interests and concerns are taken into account, and not just the interests of a single party and their perspective, to the detriment of the perspectives and interests of all the others.

The Civil Campaign calls now particularly on the Council of Ministers and the Higher Council of Urban Planning to take part in this debate, which concerns the future of our city and the right of its citizens; moreover, we demand from them not to approve any private project for Dalieh.

We know that, while we are striving to save Dalieh through a transparent and participatory process, landowners are lobbying through the Council of Ministers to build a private resort, going beyond the possibilities of exploitation of this land, which will require an exceptional decree. We know that this project requires planning and a new vision for this coastal zone. Instead of master plans for Dalieh, we seek to prevent any form of construction on one part, and only allow construction within a specific exploitation factor (fifteen percent surface exploitation, twenty percent total) on the other part. The project’s owners are suggesting an exploitation factor of sixty percent surface exploitation, and one hundred percent total, to build shopping malls, private luxury residencies, hotels, a marina and parking areas.

To us and to all the citizens of Beirut, this scenario embodies and explains how savage construction was possible all over the Lebanese coast. The rule became the violation of master plans before these are replaced by laws that are in reality only tools benefiting a few investors’ power, and dominance over the city`s population, and their relation with the natural heritage of their city, with all that this link allows in terms of social and cultural cohesion to multiple categories of the population.

Since the beginning, the Civil Campaign united to maintain the possibilities of public life in Beirut, and to protect the waterfront of the city as a common space, and as an area of social diversity and natural habitat. The need for participatory tools devoted to decision-making relating to our everyday spaces in Beirut is becoming crucial, and more than urgent. Therefore we are ending this message with a call to all the citizens of Beirut and those who love it. Stand by our side in order to:

  • Demand from the Higher Council for Urban Planning not to approve any private project for Dalieh.
  • Demand from the Council of Ministers not to approve any exceptional decree giving the project owners the possibility of a different investment to the one permitted in the current guide for master planning in Beirut.
  • Demand from the municipality of Beirut, its governor, and its civil society to assume their responsibilities to protect Dalieh by proposing alternative plans for the site based on the results of the competition.
  • Express our belonging, all of us, to the common spaces of the city and claim our rights to protect and save our environment and the natural heritage of our city.

Long live Beirut—a city defined by its public and shared spaces, its cultural and natural heritage, a city that is open to all its population, and its lovers. 

Thank you. 

The Civil Campaign to protect the Dalieh of Raouche
www.dalieh.org
www.facebook.com/dalieh.org

Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412